Il veto russo pone fine alla missione degli osservatori Onu in Georgia
· Dop mesi di negoziati con USA, GB, Francia e Germania, la Russia ha posto il veto nel Consiglio di Sicurezza, alla proroga del monitoraggio ONU, in vigore da 16 anni, sulla tregua tra Georgia e Abkhazia, una sua regione secessionista.
o Cina, Vietnam, Libia ed Uganda si sono astenuti.
o il mandato per la missione terminava il 16.6.2009; 130 osservatori militari e oltre una dozzina di poliziotti devono andarsene.
– Dopo la guerra russo-georgiana dell’agosto 2008 in Sud Ossezia, la Russia ha riconosciuto l’indipendenza di Abkhazia e Sud Ossezia, che la Georgia continua a rivendicare come suo territorio.
– L’Abkhazia è stata governata in modo indipendente fino al 1993, dopo due anni di scontri armati con la Georgia fu imposto un cessate il fuoco con monitoraggio ONU.
– L’ambasciatore georgiano: la Georgia “coopererà molto strettamente con i nostri amici”, tra i quali la UE con le sue organizzazioni umanitarie e la missione di monitoraggio in Georgia.
– Il voto nel CdS ONU è conciso con gli scontri tra la polizia georgiana e gli attivisti dell’oposizione che chiedevano la destituzione del presidente Saakashvili.
– Il veto giunge dopo il NO delle potenze occidentali alla richiesta della Russia di estendere il monitoraggio per un mese se il C.d.S. avesse eliminato nella sua risoluzione il nome della missione – UN Observer Mission in Georgia, e il riferimento alla sovranità territoriale della Georgia.
– Una eventuale ripresa del monitoraggio ONU potrà avvenire solo se il CdS riconoscerà come richiesto dalla Russia, l’indipendenza delle due regioni, su cui non riconoscerà più alcuna sovranità alla Georgia; USA e UE rifiutano tale richiesta.
L’estensione del mandato era stato proposto, dopo una proroga di 4 mesi a febbraio, da USA, GB e France (come membri permanenti) e Croazia, Turchia, Austria e Germania (membrio non permanenti).
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(John F. Kerry, democratico del Massachusetts, presiede la commissione senatoriale per gli Esteri; David Dreier, repubblicano della California, è a capo della minoranza nella Commissione legislazione, e co-presidente della Commissione difesa della Democrazia della Camera)
● Gli autori propongono di siglare velocemente un accordo di libero scambio USA-Georgia.
● In una Georgia sovrana e democratica possono coesistere investimenti russi e occidentali,
(la prosperità economica come soluzione di lungo termine per una riconciliazione tra Georgia e Russia).
Gli Usa devono sostenere il diritto della Georgia all’integrità territoriale;
la Russia deve rispettare l’accordo di cessate il fuoco e essere più costruttiva verso il monitoraggio internazionale della pace.
● il modo meno costoso per appoggiare le aspirazioni democratiche della sua popolazione (leggi: staccarla dalla Russia) e incentivare riforme politico-economicheè il rafforzamento dei legami economici Georgia-Occidente, in particolare con la UE;
le relazioni Usa-Russia e Usa-Georgia non si escludono a vicenda, devono solo essere diverse;
gli Usa devono aiutare la Georgia, colpita dalla crisi economica e dalla guerra con la Russia;
l’interscambio commerciale Usa-Georgia che prima della guerra era di $580mn, ha molto spazio di crescita;
basterebbe l’avvio dei negoziati per un accordo di libero scambio per accrescere la fiducia degli investitori esteri ed attrarre capitali;
tale accordo potrebbe fare da apripista per uno analogo tra Georgia e UE.
– Data la posizione geografica è da prevedere che le relazioni commerciali Russia-Georgia potranno riprendere, dopo essere state parzialmente bloccate dalla Russia due anni prima del conflitto.
Prima del conflitto il governo georgiano aveva accettato gli investimenti russi, compresi quelli nelle infrastrutture
– UNITED NATIONS: Russia has brought to an end the nearly 16-year-old UN observer mission that monitored a cease-fire between Georgia and its breakaway Abkhazia region. Russia exercised its veto power in the UN Security Council – toppling a Western plan to extend the life of the UN mission for another year, or even two more weeks, to work out a compromise. The vote late Monday was 10-1 with four abstentions – China, Vietnam, Libya and Uganda.
– The mission’s mandate expired at 0600 (EET) Tuesday, requiring about 130 military observers and more than a dozen police to leave. Both the name – the UN Observer Mission in Georgia – and references to Georgia’s territorial sovereignty were sticking points.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who had recommended keeping the mission, said it would cease operations Tuesday despite his "regrets" at the lack of agreement that prompted its abrupt demise.
"This mission was helping defuse tension and deter further conflict," British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said Tuesday. "Its withdrawal will affect the day-to-day lives of people living in conflict areas."
– Georgian Ambassador Alexander Lomaia said his nation would now "cooperate very closely with our friends," including the European Union[e] and its monitoring mission to Georgia and human rights organizations also operating there.
– The vote coincided with clashes Monday between Georgian police and opposition activists pressing for the ouster of President Mikhail Saakashvili in the capital of Tbilisi.
– Following the Georgian-Russian war in the breakaway region of South Ossetia last August, Russia recognized the independence of both Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Georgia insists that both regions are still part of its territory, but Moscow insists they are not.
· The mission’s abrupt termination follows months of talks between Russia, the United States, Britain, France and Germany.
As promised, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin used his nation’s right as one of the council’s five permanent members to veto the draft resolution.
– "We need to get rid of this apparition," Churkin told the council after casting the veto. "Our partners, however, prefer poison to medicine." He had offered to extend the mission’s mandate for one month on condition that the Security Council agree to delete all the "offensive references" in the resolution to names and sovereignty – an offer that was rejected by the Western powers.
– The Security Council could seek to restore a UN mission sometime in the future, but if it met Russia’s demands it would effectively recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and determine that Georgia no longer had sovereignty over the two areas, which the US and its European allies refuse to do.
– The mission was operating on a four-month extension granted by the Council in February to allow for more negotiations. The plan for extending it was put forward by the US, Britain and France – all of them permanent members – and non-permanent members Croatia, Turkey, Austria and Germany.
It was modeled on Ban’s recommendations last month for a continuing but unnamed UN "stabilization mission" to ensure no armed forces or military equipment operated in security zones extending 12 kilometers on each side of the cease-fire line.
– The Black Sea province of Abkhazia has been independently run since 1993, when two years of fighting with Georgian troops ended with a UN-monitored cease-fire. Two-thirds of Abkhazia residents hold Russian passports, and along with South Ossetia it had sought independence or union[e] with Russia.
Copyright (c) 2009 The Daily Star
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By John F. Kerry and David Dreier
– As the Obama administration seeks a fresh start in our strained relationship with Russia, the case for cooperation with Moscow on everything from nuclear terrorism to global finance is clear and compelling. So, too, is the case for protecting the freedom and sovereignty of the fledgling democracies on Russia’s borders. We must do both.
– Part of the way we can continue to support allies such as Georgia even as we do more to pursue vital national interests alongside Russia is by focusing on areas that can deliver real benefits to one side without hurting ties to the other. That’s why we believe we should sign a free-trade agreement with Georgia and why we plan to introduce a resolution to this end today.
While some mistakenly view constructive relations with these two countries as mutually exclusive, we see no inherent contradiction in offering Russia a fresh start while maintaining our commitment to ensuring that its neighbors have the right to choose their own destinies.
– Yes, sometimes Russia and its neighbors see the world in zero-sum terms — and sometimes their interests collide violently, as when Russian tanks rolled into Georgia last August. But we need not define our relationships with these countries the same way.
– Georgia, as the scene of recent tensions, is an important place to find better approaches. It is suffering from the economic impact of two catastrophes: Soon after Russian missiles stopped falling last summer, Georgia was hit by the global economic crisis. It is vital that we help Georgia weather the economic crisis — and doing so should not be threatening to Russia.
– In the past year we have largely fulfilled our pledge of $1 billion in postwar reconstruction aid to Georgia, but in the long term, increased trade and foreign direct investment would have far greater and more sustainable benefits. In the year before the war, trade between the United States and Georgia amounted to $580 million — a total with significant room to grow.
– A trade agreement with a small country half a world away would not have negative consequences for workers here at home, but it could mean a great deal to Georgians far beyond the trade it directly sparks. First, even the act of launching negotiations may increase investor confidence in Georgia and attract badly needed foreign direct investment. Our pact with Jordan shows how an American trade agreement can attract international businesses, even in volatile regions and even before the deal takes force. An agreement between the United States and Georgia could also create momentum for a similar deal between Georgia and the European Union.
– Building economic ties between Georgia and the West, particularly the neighboring European Union, is the least strategically costly way to significantly bolster the Georgian people’s democratic and economic aspirations.
– Second, bilateral trade negotiations would provide impetus for greater economic and political reform in Georgia. The Georgian people have committed themselves wholeheartedly to democracy, but the path to stable, effective and fully representative democracy is not an easy one. Greater economic engagement would provide a tremendous opportunity to hold Tbilisi accountable in its efforts to enshrine the rule of law and build the institutions that are the foundation to both democratic governance and economic prosperity.
– Geography cannot be denied; Georgia and Russia should eventually restore strong trade relations. Today’s standoff hurts both nations. Even two years before the conflict last summer, Russia severed transportation links and blockaded Georgian exports of mineral water, fruits, vegetables and wine. It would be a positive step if Russia removed these restrictions.
– It is notable that despite the rising tensions before last summer’s war, the Georgian government had accepted Russian investment in Georgia, even in its infrastructure, an area in which other countries are often reluctant to allow even their friendliest neighbors to invest.
– Russian and Western investment should ultimately co-exist in the healthy atmosphere of a democratic Georgia whose sovereignty is respected.
Of course there will be times when we must stand on principle in the face of real disagreement — and we certainly will. The 2008 Russian-Georgian war was a tragedy that cannot be repeated. We have both been to Georgia and met with its leaders. Georgia’s people deserve praise for their impressive democratic and economic accomplishments,
– and America should support Georgia’s undeniable right to its territorial integrity and independence.
– In addition, Russia should fully implement its cease-fire agreement and adopt a more constructive attitude toward the full deployment of international monitors to help preserve peace.
– But the challenges of a new moment demand a commitment to creative solutions. Economic prosperity has a way of spreading throughout both sides of a trading relationship and may offer the best long-term solution to forging some form of reconciliation between Georgia and Russia. Over time, increased trade and a higher quality of life may also help to heal wounds between Georgia and its alienated separatist regions.
– History has shown that, when done right, trade brings benefits to all sides. Diplomacy can do the same. We need to use both to build closer ties with Russia even as we continue to support our friend and ally Georgia.
John F. Kerry, a Democrat from Massachusetts, is chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. David Dreier, a Republican from California, is the ranking minority member of the House Rules Committee and co-chairman of the House Democracy Assistance Commission.
© 2009 The Washington Post Company