Gli USA pagherebbero per la pubblicazione di articoli su giornali iracheni

Usa, Irak, propaganda Nyt 05-12-01

Gli USA pagherebbero per la pubblicazione di articoli su giornali iracheni
Jeff Gerth e Scott Shane

  • Il
    Pentagono ha avviato e finanzia una campagna di propaganda per
    conquistarsi l’opinione irachena, tramite articoli inseriti sui
    giornali in Irak, da una dozzina di giornalisti iracheni.
  • Incaricata
    del lavoro la società di pubbliche relazioni Lincoln Group, tra i cui
    dirigenti ci sono uomini d’affare ed ex ufficiali.
  • Il
    primo contratto del Pentagono con il Lincoln Group è del 2004, $5
    milioni, per “informare” gli iracheni sugli obiettivi americani.
  • Il
    Dipartimento di Stato e l’Agenzia americana per lo sviluppo
    internazionale pagano inoltre milioni di dollari ad appaltatori per la
    preparazione di giornalisti e la promozione di media in Irak. Jeff Gerth e Scott Shane
  • Il
    Pentagono ha avviato e finanzia una campagna di propaganda per
    conquistarsi l’opinione irachena, tramite articoli inseriti sui
    giornali in Irak, da una dozzina di giornalisti iracheni.
  • Incaricata
    del lavoro la società di pubbliche relazioni Lincoln Group, tra i cui
    dirigenti ci sono uomini d’affare ed ex ufficiali.
  • Il
    primo contratto del Pentagono con il Lincoln Group è del 2004, $5
    milioni, per “informare” gli iracheni sugli obiettivi americani.

Il
Dipartimento di Stato e l’Agenzia americana per lo sviluppo
internazionale pagano inoltre milioni di dollari ad appaltatori per la
preparazione di giornalisti e la promozione di media in Irak.

Nyt 05-12-01

U.S. Is Said to Pay to Plant Articles in Iraq Papers
By JEFF GERTH and SCOTT SHANE

WASHINGTON,
Nov. 30 – Titled "The Sands Are Blowing Toward a Democratic Iraq," an
article written this week for publication in the Iraqi press was
scornful of outsiders’ pessimism about the country’s future.

"Western
press and frequently those self-styled ‘objective’ observers of Iraq
are often critics of how we, the people of Iraq, are proceeding down
the path in determining what is best for our nation," the article
began. Quoting the Prophet Muhammad, it pleaded for unity and
nonviolence.

But far from being the
heartfelt opinion of an Iraqi writer, as its language implied, the
article was prepared by the United States military as part of a
multimillion-dollar covert campaign to plant paid propaganda in the
Iraqi news media and pay friendly Iraqi journalists monthly stipends
, military contractors and officials said.

The article was one of several in a storyboard, the military’s term for a list of articles, that was delivered Tuesday to the Lincoln Group, a Washington-based public relations firm paid by the Pentagon, documents from the Pentagon show. The
contractor’s job is to translate the articles into Arabic and submit
them to Iraqi newspapers or advertising agencies without revealing the
Pentagon’s role
. Documents show that the intended target of the article on a democratic Iraq was Azzaman, a leading independent newspaper, but it is not known whether it was published there or anywhere else.

Even as the State
Department and the United States Agency for International Development
pay contractors millions of dollars to help train journalists and
promote a professional and independent Iraqi media, the Pentagon is
paying millions more to the Lincoln Group
for work that appears to violate fundamental principles of Western journalism.

In addition to paying newspapers to print government propaganda, Lincoln has paid about a dozen Iraqi journalists each several hundred dollars a month, a person who had been told of the transactions said. Those journalists were chosen because their past coverage had not been antagonistic to the United States, said the person, who is being granted anonymity because of fears for the safety of those involved. In addition, the military storyboards have in some cases copied verbatim text from copyrighted publications and passed it on to be printed in the Iraqi press without attribution, documents and interviews indicated.

In
many cases, the material prepared by the military was given to
advertising agencies for placement, and at least some of the material
ran with an advertising label. But the American authorship and
financing were not revealed.

Military
spokesmen in Washington and Baghdad said Wednesday that they had no
information on the contract. In an interview from Baghdad on Nov. 18,
Lt. Col. Steven A. Boylan, a military spokesman, said the Pentagon’s
contract with the Lincoln Group was an attempt to "try to get stories
out to publications that normally don’t have access to those kind of
stories." The military’s top commanders, including Gen. Peter Pace, the
chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, did not know about the Lincoln
Group contract until Wednesday, when it was first described by The Los
Angeles Times, said a senior military official who was not authorized
to speak publicly.

Pentagon officials said
General Pace and other top officials were disturbed by the reported
details of the propaganda campaign and demanded explanations from
senior officers in Iraq, the official said.

When
asked about the article Wednesday night on the ABC News program
"Nightline," General Pace said, "I would be concerned about anything
that would be detrimental to the proper growth of democracy."

Others
seemed to share the sentiment. "I think it’s absolutely wrong for the
government to do this," said Patrick Butler, vice president of the
International Center for Journalists in Washington, which conducts
ethics training for journalists from countries without a history of
independent news media. "Ethically, it’s indefensible."

Mr.
Butler, who spoke from a conference in Wisconsin with Arab journalists,
said the American government paid for many programs that taught foreign
journalists not to accept payments from interested parties to write
articles and not to print government propaganda disguised as news.

"You show the world you’re not living by the principles you profess to believe in, and you lose all credibility," he said.

The
Government Accountability Office found this year that the Bush
administration had violated the law by producing pseudo news reports
that were later used on American television stations with no indication
that they had been prepared by the government. But no law prohibits the
use of such covert propaganda abroad.

The
Lincoln contract with the American-led coalition forces in Iraq has
rankled some military and civilian officials and contractors. Some of
them described the program to The New York Times in recent months and
provided examples of the military’s storyboards.

The
Lincoln Group, whose principals include some businessmen and former
military officials, was hired last year after military officials
concluded that the United States was failing to win over Muslim public
opinion.
In Iraq, the effort is seen by some American military commanders as a crucial step toward defeating the Sunni-led insurgency.

Citing
a "fundamental problem of credibility" and foreign opposition to
American policies, a Pentagon advisory panel last year called for the
government to reinvent and expand its information programs.

"Government
alone cannot today communicate effectively and credibly," said the
report by the task force on strategic communication of the Defense
Science Board. The group recommended turning more often for help to the
private sector, which it said had "a built-in agility, credibility and
even deniability."

The Pentagon’s first public relations contract with Lincoln was awarded in 2004 for about $5 million with
the stated purpose of accurately informing the Iraqi people of American
goals and gaining their support. But while meant to provide reliable
information, the effort was also intended to use deceptive techniques,
like payments to sympathetic "temporary spokespersons" who would not
necessarily be identified as working for the coalition, according to a
contract document and a military official.

In
addition, the document called for the development of "alternate or
diverting messages which divert media and public attention" to "deal
instantly with the bad news of the day."

Laurie
Adler, a spokeswoman for the Lincoln Group, said the terms of the
contract did not permit her to discuss it and referred a reporter to
the Pentagon. But others defended the practice.

"I’m not surprised this goes on," said Michael
Rubin, who worked in Iraq for the Coalition Provisional Authority in
2003 and 2004. "Informational operations are a part of any military
campaign," he added.
"Especially in an atmosphere where terrorists and insurgents – replete with oil boom cash – do the same. We need an even playing field, but cannot fight with both hands tied behind our backs."

Two
dozen recent storyboards prepared by the military for Lincoln and
reviewed by The New York Times had a variety of good-news themes
addressing the economy, security, the insurgency and Iraq’s political
future. Some were written to resemble news articles. Others took the
form of opinion pieces or public service announcements.

One
article about Iraq’s oil industry opened with three paragraphs taken
verbatim, and without attribution, from a recent report in Al Hayat, a
London-based Arabic newspaper. But the military version took out a
quotation from an oil ministry spokesman that was critical of American
reconstruction efforts. It substituted a more positive message, also
attributed to the spokesman, though not as a direct quotation.

The editor of Al Sabah,
a major Iraqi newspaper that has been the target of many of the
military’s articles, said Wednesday in an interview that he had no idea
that the American military was supplying such material and did not know
if his newspaper had printed any of it, whether labeled as advertising
or not.

The editor, Muhammad Abdul
Jabbar, 57, said Al Sabah, which he said received financial support
from the Iraqi government but was editorially independent, accepted
advertisements from virtually any source if they were not inflammatory
.
He said any such material would be labeled as advertising but would not
necessarily identify the sponsor. Sometimes, he said, the paper got the
text from an advertising agency and did not know its origins.

Asked what
he thought of the Pentagon program’s effectiveness in influencing Iraqi
public opinion, Mr. Jabbar said, "I would spend the money a better way."

The
Lincoln Group, which was incorporated in 2004, has won another
government information contract. Last June, the Special Operations
Command in Tampa awarded Lincoln and two other companies a
multimillion-dollar contract to support psychological operations. The
planned products, contract documents show, include three- to five-
minute news programs.

Asked whether the
information and news products would identify the American sponsorship,
a media relations officer with the special operations command replied,
in an e-mail message last summer, that "the product may or may not
carry ‘made in the U.S.’ signature" but they would be identified as
American in origin, "if asked."

Eric Schmitt contributed reporting from Washington for this article, and Kirk Semple and Edward Wong from Baghdad.

Copyright 2005 The New York Times

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